2021 popular Us vs. new arrival Them: The Failure lowest of Globalism outlet sale

2021 popular Us vs. new arrival Them: The Failure lowest of Globalism outlet sale

2021 popular Us vs. new arrival Them: The Failure lowest of Globalism outlet sale

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New York Times bestseller

"A cogent analysis of the concurrent Trump/Brexit phenomena and a dire warning about what lies ahead...a lucid, provocative book." --Kirkus Reviews


Those who championed globalization once promised a world of winners, one in which free trade would lift all the world''s boats, and extremes of left and right would give way to universally embraced liberal values. The past few years have shattered this fantasy, as those who''ve paid the price for globalism''s gains have turned to populist and nationalist politicians to express fury at the political, media, and corporate elites they blame for their losses.

The United States elected an anti-immigration, protectionist president who promised to "put America first" and turned a cold eye on alliances and treaties. Across Europe, anti-establishment political parties made gains not seen in decades. The United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union.

And as Ian Bremmer shows in this eye-opening book, populism is still spreading. Globalism creates plenty of both winners and losers, and those who''ve missed out want to set things right. They''ve seen their futures made obsolete. They hear new voices and see new faces all about them. They feel their cultures shift. They don''t trust what they read. They''ve begun to understand the world as a battle for the future that pits "us" vs. "them."

Bremmer points to the next wave of global populism, one that hits emerging nations before they have fully emerged. As in Europe and America, citizens want security and prosperity, and they''re becoming increasingly frustrated with governments that aren''t capable of providing them. To protect themselves, many government will build walls, both digital and physical. For instance...
   *  In Brazil and other fast-developing countries, civilians riot when higher expectations for better government aren''t being met--the downside of their own success in lifting millions from poverty.
   *  In Mexico, South Africa, Turkey, Indonesia, Egypt and other emerging states, frustration with government is on the rise and political battle lines are being drawn.
   *  In China, where awareness of inequality is on the rise, the state is building a system to use the data that citizens generate to contain future demand for change
   *  In India, the tools now used to provide essential services for people who''ve never had them can one day be used to tighten the ruling party''s grip on power.

When human beings feel threatened, we identify the danger and look for allies. We use the enemy, real or imagined, to rally friends to our side. This book is about the ways in which people will define these threats as fights for survival. It''s about the walls governments will build to protect insiders from outsiders and the state from its people.

And it''s about what we can do about it.

Review

“Required reading to help repair a world in pieces and build a world at peace.”
— António Guterres, United Nations Secretary-General
 
“The best book yet on the waves Donald Trump rode to power. Ian Bremmer is right that rage and scorn are not plans. He provides good practical ideas for what can be done.”
—Lawrence Summers, professor at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government and former director or the National Economic Council
 
“Few can beat Ian Bremmer in taking the pulse on the health of nations and the world. Here he dives into the divisions and disputes of the wave of protests and populism that gave the US Donald Trump and Europe Brexit.”
—Carl Bildt, co-chair of European Council on Foreign Relations
 
“My favorite thinker on geopolitics offers a masterful analysis of why globalism crashed and populism has soared. This book won’t just help you predict the future of nations; it will play a role in shaping that future.”
—Adam Grant, author of Give and Take, Originals, and Option B with Sheryl Sandberg
 
“A crisp and compelling anatomy of present political ills across many countries. Bremmer’s discussion of global approaches to revising the social contract between government and citizen offers a welcome ray of light.”
—Anne-Marie Slaughter, president & CEO of New America
 
“Global politics is a jungle today.  Thank goodness Ian Bremmer can be your guide.”
 —David Miliband, president and CEO of the International Rescue Committee
 
"Once again, Ian Bremmer provides a striking preview of tomorrow''s top stories. A timely warning, but also a source of hope, Us vs. Them is required reading for those worried about our world’s future."
—Nouriel Roubini, author of Crisis Economics; professor at New York University’s Stern School of Business; chairman of Roubini Macro Associates
 
“Ian Bremmer is provocative, controversial, and always intelligent about the state of our world, which he knows so well!”
—Christine Lagarde, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)

About the Author

Ian Bremmer is the president and founder of Eurasia Group, the leading global political risk research and consulting firm. He has published ten books, including Superpower and the national bestsellers The End of the Free Market and Every Nation for Itself. He lectures widely and writes a weekly foreign affairs column for TIME magazine, where he''s editor at large. He lives in New York City.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Chapter 1

Winners and Losers

I am the master of my fate, I am the captain of my soul.

-William Ernest Henley

"It''s time for a local revolution," the candidate told the roaring crowd. "Countries are no longer nations but markets. Borders are erased . . . Everyone can come to our country, and this has cut our salaries and our social protections. This dilutes our cultural identity." Marine Le Pen''s four sentences capture every important element of the anxiety rising across the Western world. The borders are open, and the foreigners are coming. They will steal your job. They will cost you your pension and your health care by bankrupting your system. They will pollute your culture. Some of them are killers. Le Pen fell short in her bid to become France''s president in 2017, but her message remains compelling for the twenty-first-century politics of us vs. them.

But this is not a story about Marine Le Pen or Donald J. Trump or any of the other populist powerhouses who have emerged in Europe and the United States in recent years. Spin the camera toward the furious crowd-there''s the real story. It''s not the messenger that drives this movement. It''s the fears, often, if not always, justified, of ordinary people-fears of lost jobs, surging waves of strangers, vanishing national identities, and the incomprehensible public violence associated with terrorism. It''s the growing doubt among citizens that government can protect them, provide them with opportunities for a better life, and help them remain masters of their fate.

As of December 2015, just 6 percent of people in the United States, 4 percent in Germany, 4 percent in Britain, and 3 percent in France believe "the world is getting better." The pessimistic majority suspects that those with power, money, and influence care more about their cosmopolitan world than they do about fellow citizens. Many citizens of these countries now believe that globalization works for the favored few but not for them.

They have a point.

Globalization-the cross-border flow of ideas, information, people, money, goods, and services-has resulted in an interconnected world where national leaders have increasingly limited ability to protect the lives and livelihoods of citizens. In the digital age, borders no longer mean what citizens think they mean. In some ways, they barely exist.

Globalism-the belief that the interdependence that created globalization is a good thing-is indeed the ideology of the elite. Political leaders of the wealthy West have been globalism''s biggest advocates, building a system that has propelled ideas, information, people, money, goods, and services across borders at a speed and on a scale without precedent in human history.

Sure, more than a billion people have risen from poverty in recent decades, and economies and markets have come a long way from the financial crisis. But along with new opportunities come serious vulnerabilities, and the refusal of the global elite to acknowledge the downsides of the new interdependence confirms the suspicions of those losing their sense of security and standard of living that elites in New York and Paris have more in common with elites in Rome and San Francisco than with their discarded countrymen in Tulsa, Turin, Tuscaloosa, and Toulon. "The globalists gutted the American working class and created a middle class in Asia," former White House strategist Steve Bannon told the Hollywood Reporter a few days after Donald Trump''s 2016 election victory. "The issue now is about Americans looking to not get fucked over."

In the United States, the jobs that once lifted generations of Americans into the middle class-and kept them there for life-are vanishing. Crime and drug addiction are rising. While 87 percent of Chinese and 74 percent of Indians told pollsters in 2017 that they believe their country is moving "in the right direction," just 43 percent of Americans said the same.

In Europe, the European Commission and the unelected bureaucrats who enforce its rules have legislated for its twenty-eight member nations without understanding their varied needs. In recent years, they''ve failed to halt a debt crisis that forced many Europeans to accept lower wages, higher prices, later retirement, less generous pensions, and an uncertain future, all while telling them they must bail out foreign countries that have spent their way into debt. In the migrant crisis, globalist European leaders insisted that all EU members must accept Muslim refugees in numbers determined in Brussels, and barricades and a spike in nationalism were the result (I define "nationalism" as one form of us vs. them intended to rally members of one nation against those of other nations).

Were the wave of populist nationalism sweeping the United States and Europe the only signs of globalism''s failure, it would be bad enough. But there''s a larger crisis coming. Many of the storms creating turmoil in the U.S. and Europe-particularly technological change in the workplace and broader awareness of income inequality-are now headed across borders and into the developing world, where governments and institutions aren''t ready. Developing countries are especially vulnerable, because the institutions that create stability in developing countries are not as sturdy, and social safety nets aren''t nearly as strong as in the United States and European Union. They face an even bigger gap between rich and poor, and the reality that new technologies will kill large numbers of the jobs that lifted expectations for a better life will be much harder to manage. In short, just as the financial crisis had a cascading effect through financial markets and real economies around the world, so the sources of anger convulsing Europe and America will send shock waves through dozens of other countries. Some will absorb these shocks. Some of them won''t. As poorer people in developing countries become more aware of what they''re missing or losing-quality housing, education, jobs, health care, and protection from crime-many will pick up rocks.

It is not rising China, a new Cold War, the future of Europe, or the risk of a global cyberconflict that will define our societies. It''s the efforts of the losers not to get "fucked over," and the efforts of the winners to keep from losing power. Not just in the United States and Europe, but in the developing world too, there will be a confrontation within each society between winners and losers.

And winners and losers there will be. It''s too late to assuage the anger of people whose needs have been neglected for years, too late to stop the technological advances that will exacerbate the inequality and nativism stirred up by globalism. What remains to be seen is who will win-and who will be the scapegoat. In some countries, us vs. them will manifest as the citizens versus the government. In other countries, the division will be between the rich and the poor. In some cases, disgruntled citizens will blame immigrants for their problems, punishing "them." And in other cases, an ethnic majority will turn on an internal ethnic minority, blaming them for the problems.

"Us vs. them" is a message that will be adopted by both the left and the right. Antiglobalists on the left use "them" to refer to the governing elite, "big corporations," and bankers who enable financial elites to exploit the individual worker or investor. These are the messages we hear from Senator Bernie Sanders and Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras. Antiglobalists on the right use "them" to describe governments that cheat citizens by offering preferential treatment to minorities, immigrants, or any other group that receives explicit protection under the law.

How will governments choose to react? The weakest will fall away, leaving us with more failed states, like Syria and Somalia. Those still hoping to build open societies will adapt to survive, attempting to rewrite social contracts to create new ways to meet the needs of citizens in a changing world. And many governments that have a stronger grip on power will build walls-both actual and virtual-that separate people from one another and government from citizens.

We can no more avoid these choices than the world can avoid climate change, and the time is now to begin preparing for a world of higher tides. This is the coming crisis. This is the conflict that will unravel many societies from within.

How did we get here?

In Europe and the United States, the battle of nationalism vs. globalism has deep historical roots, but recent history has given it a new intensity. First, there was the earthquake. The financial crisis of 2008-2009 drove anti-EU fury in response to bailouts and austerity in Europe and resentment of Wall Street and its political enablers in the United States. In the United States, the right dismissed the Occupy Wall Street movement as a vapid left-wing fringe group without significance. The left waved off the Tea Party movement as a motley assortment of angry, aging racists intent on "making America white again" and well-heeled Republican Party activists disguised as grassroots patriots. Other Americans ignored both sides as if nothing important were shifting in American politics. The migrant crisis and a series of terrorist attacks then boosted a more xenophobic set of politicians and political parties in Europe. A number of EU member states established temporary border controls, and some openly defied EU rules. Britons voted to take back control of their laws and borders in 2016, and Trump was elected president as a battering ram against globalist elites and the media in the United States.

Then the anger seemed to abate, and we experienced an illusion of moderation. Barricades in the Balkans and a deal between the EU and Turkey to sharply slow the flow of migrants into Europe eased the refugee crisis and pressure across the continent for another round of border controls. Anti-Muslim firebrand Geert Wilders finished second in Dutch elections in March 2017. Two months later, pro-EU newcomer Emmanuel Macron overcame the challenge from Le Pen to become France''s president, though the broader election story was the sound defeat of traditional parties of the center-right and center-left that had dominated French politics for decades in favor of a candidate who, like Trump, had never before run for office.

The center-left showed renewed strength in Britain, though it relied on large numbers of working-class Brexit voters for its revival. Germany''s Angela Merkel, defender of European unity, won a fourth term as chancellor. In the United States, the Trump backlash went into high gear. The new president''s approval rating settled into a narrow range between the mid-30s and low 40s, and his legislative agenda stalled. Courts blocked some of his plans, and various scandal investigations kept him distracted, though Democrats found no credible message of their own for U.S. voters.

The next chapter is now being written, and it will not be a better one. That''s because globalism contains the seeds of its own destruction: Even as it makes the world better, it breeds economic and cultural insecurity, and when people act out of fear, bad things happen.

Economic insecurity

Globalization creates new economic efficiency by moving production and supply chains to parts of the world where resources-raw materials and workers-are cheapest. In the developing world, the influx of capital from wealthier nations has created the first truly global middle class. In the developed world, this process bolsters the purchasing power of everyday consumers by putting affordable products on store shelves, but it also disrupts lives by killing livelihoods as corporations gain access to workers in poorer countries who will work for lower wages.

Trade has not become as toxic a political issue in Europe as in the United States. In part, that''s because the European Union includes so many small countries that depend on trade for economic growth, and exports are a crucial growth engine for Germany, the EU''s largest economy and de facto political leader. In fact, its current account surplus, a measure of the flow of goods, services, and investment into and out of a country, topped China''s to become the world''s largest in 2016.

In addition, social safety net protections in many European countries cushion the blow to workers when they''re displaced by trade-related change. In exchange for the higher taxes they pay, Europeans enjoy more generous and longer-lasting jobless benefits than Americans, have broader access to health insurance, and pay lower tuition fees for both first-time and older students. Those who champion trade in the U.S. try to make up for these differences with promises that government will provide those who lose when trade moves jobs overseas with so-called "trade adjustment assistance"-money, retraining, and other forms of support. But these benefits are easier to promise before deals are approved than to deliver after they''re signed and politicians no longer need to keep their word.

Beyond trade, globalization boosts technological change by exposing businesses of all kinds to international competition, forcing them to become ever more efficient, which leads to greater investment in game-changing innovations. Advances in automation and artificial intelligence are remaking the workplace for the benefit of efficiency, making the companies that use them more profitable, but workers who lose their jobs and can''t be retrained for new ones won''t share in the gains. Technological change then disrupts the ways in which globalization creates opportunity and shifts wealth.

As a result, large numbers of U.S. factory jobs have been lost not to Chinese or Mexican factory workers but to robots. A 2015 study conducted by Ball State University found that automation and related factors, not trade, accounted for 88 percent of lost U.S. manufacturing jobs between 2006 and 2013.

Broadening the effect, the introduction into the workplace of artificial intelligence is also reducing the number of-and changing the skill sets needed for-a fast-growing number of service sector jobs. The consulting firm McKinsey & Company has estimated that 73 percent of work in the food service and accommodations industries could be automated in coming years. More than half of jobs in the retail sector could be lost, and two-thirds of jobs in the finance and insurance sectors are likely to disappear once computers can understand speech as well as humans do. What does that mean for the future of work? What does it mean for the middle class? It means that jobs are eliminated, and the middle class continues to shrink. Though technological change may eventually create more jobs than it kills, there''s not much reason for confidence that fired workers will get the education and training they need for tomorrow''s more technically sophisticated jobs.

In the world''s wealthiest countries, particularly the United States, wealth inequality has steadily widened as globalism has advanced. According to a study published by Pew Research in December 2015, "After more than four decades of serving as the nation''s economic majority, the American middle class is now matched in number by those in the economic tiers above and below it." In 1970, middle-income households earned 62 percent of aggregate income in the United States. By 2014, their share had fallen to just 43 percent. The median wealth (assets minus debts) of these households fell by 28 percent from 2001 to 2013. Crime and drug addiction have spiked. Nearly 40 percent of U.S. factory jobs have disappeared since 1979. In 2018, U.S. stock markets hit historic highs as U.S. companies drew record profits, but the American middle class is in real trouble.

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Top reviews from the United States

Gary Moreau, Author
4.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
4.5 - A book about the social contract without the usual politics
Reviewed in the United States on April 24, 2018
The “we/they” division is global in scale and catastrophic in scope. It is already testing our civility, our security, our cultural identity, and our commitment to the ideals of democracy. But you already know that. This is the latest in a growing list of books... See more
The “we/they” division is global in scale and catastrophic in scope. It is already testing our civility, our security, our cultural identity, and our commitment to the ideals of democracy. But you already know that.

This is the latest in a growing list of books that seeks to understand why the we/they divide exists without, to its credit, falling into the trap of using the data to simply fan the fires of partisan division. Bremmer has a political agenda (we all do), and he’s no fan of Trump, the person. He does, however, go out of his way to note, “Donald Trump didn’t create us vs. them. Us vs. them created Donald Trump, and those who dismiss his supporters are damaging the United States.” Whether you agree with that or not, he is one of a handful of analysts willing to try and rise above the personal vilification that defines so much of our current political debate.

The author reviews the “we/they” division around the world and his analysis of current events in places like Nigeria and Venezuela is revealing and informative. I must admit, however, that for a time I found the analysis to be just a bit repetitive and a little superficial. There are lots of facts and figures but not a lot of insight into the why behind the what.

I do believe, however, that Bremmer essentially closes the “why” loop in the last section of the book when he takes up the obvious question of a way forward. In short he believes that we must do no less than redefine the social contract between the government and the governed.

And it is here that he once again opens his thinking in a way that few other authors have. All too often any discussion about the social contract devolves into a largely PC debate about freedom of the press, representative democracy, and the legal protection of marginalized people. We talk about authoritarianism and fascism, but what most citizens want, in the end, is a government that is fair, trustworthy, and competent, treats them with respect, and, most importantly, has their collective interests at heart.

And that, Bremmer points out, is a social contract we can find common ground on. We are never going to agree on every aspect of what a good government should or should not do. If we can agree on the framework of a social contract that acknowledges the inequities created by globalism, the challenges presented by the mass migration of people, the need for lifelong education in a technologically advancing world (without ignoring the continued importance of the traditional liberal arts), and the global desire for personal security, we can make a start.

My only disappointment with the book is that he doesn’t really take on the issue of the growing power of the corpocracy. No segment of society has benefited more from the asymmetry of globalism than the corporate and financial elite. Adjusting the social contract without, at the same time, revisiting the economic contract between workers, employers, and communities, will amount to nothing.

Bremmer does, however, introduce the universal wage, which is not a new idea and will ultimately have to precede any chance of addressing the we/they divide. Globalism and technology have essentially commercialized every aspect of what it means to live in the modern world. We have to take the mere fight for survival (and the security of health care) off the table if we are to have any hope of restoring economic progress and human dignity.

The author does provide several ideas for doing that although he stops short of a specific agenda and he is a little less optimistic than I’d prefer, perhaps naively, to be. “Things have to become much worse, particularly for the winners, before they can become better for everyone else. This is the ultimate failure of globalism.”

If, however, we can all approach the issues with the even-handedness and objectivity that Ian Bremmer does here, we can surely accelerate the process.
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Alan F. Sewell
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
The conscience of an honest globalist
Reviewed in the United States on April 24, 2018
I was astounded by the intellectual honesty of this book. Ian Bremmer is a credible globalist who worked his way up in life to the pinnacle of success as a Ph.D. and business owner, after having been born to a single mom in a working-class suburb of Boston. He has “street... See more
I was astounded by the intellectual honesty of this book. Ian Bremmer is a credible globalist who worked his way up in life to the pinnacle of success as a Ph.D. and business owner, after having been born to a single mom in a working-class suburb of Boston. He has “street cred” as a man who has one foot in America’s working class, and one foot in its meritocracy “elitist” class. He’s very obviously never forgotten where he’s come from, or where’s he’s going.

He comes across as an open-minded economist who seeks to make a case for preserving globalism by honestly weighing its benefits vs. its costs. He does not deny that many big business executives and politicians have underestimated the costs of globalization. Nor does he deny that many people are justifiably angry about their misrepresentations. He nevertheless believes that globalism represents the best path forward for humanity and seeks to show that its benefits outweigh its costs. Whether you’re a Populist or a Globalist, you can be sure that your views will receive a fair hearing.

For me, the most interesting aspects of the book are the inherent contradictions of globalism. Even such an honest and comprehensive analyst as Dr. Bremmer does not resolve them. On the one hand, he says:

=====
Advances in automation and artificial intelligence are remaking the workplace for the benefit of efficiency, making the companies that use them more profitable, but workers who lose their jobs and can’t be retrained for new ones won’t share in the gains. Technological change then disrupts the ways in which globalization creates opportunity and shifts wealth. As a result, large numbers of U.S. factory jobs have been lost not to Chinese or Mexican factory workers but to robots. A 2015 study conducted by Ball State University found that automation and related factors, not trade, accounted for 88 percent of lost U.S. manufacturing jobs between 2006 and 2013.8
=====

Then he says:

=====
Globalization creates new economic efficiency by moving production and supply chains to parts of the world where resources— raw materials and workers— are cheapest…. In the developed world, this process bolsters the purchasing power of everyday consumers by putting affordable products on store shelves, but it also disrupts lives by killing livelihoods as corporations gain access to workers in poorer countries who will work for lower wages.
=====

So, which is it? Are all these millions of jobs being lost because of automation not related to trade, or are they being lost because companies are firing their higher-paid American and European moving the work to the cheapest labor countries?

In my view, it is that companies are moving the work to cheap-labor countries to AVOID having to invest in technologies to keep their American and European workers productive. It’s cheaper to replace 1,000 Americans earning $25 / hour with 1,000 Mexicans and Chinese earning $2 / hour than it is to invest $20,000,000 in making the American workers earning $25 / hour more productive.

Furthermore, it is difficult to produce a product in the USA where the average wage is $25 / hour and sell it in Mexico or China, where the average wage is $2 / hour. Those $2 / hour Mexicans and Chinese don’t earn enough money to afford the product. So what’s an American company going to do? They’re going to fire their American employees, move the work to Mexico and China, and produce it with $2 / hour labor. They’re going to sell part of the production locally, and then import the rest into the USA. They are going to inflate their profit margins on the USA sales by arbitraging the $2 / hour labor cost in Mexico and China with an American price list.

But don’t Americans benefit by getting products cheaper? Not necessarily. Dr. Bremmer points out that Americans would rather have jobs that allow them to afford SOME products, even if they are relatively expensive, than to be unemployed and unable to afford any products, even if they are relative cheap. Nor, is there really any indication that foreign-made products are cheaper. We’ve been told that “If Iphones were made in the USA they’d cost $700 and no American would buy them.” Iphones ARE made in China, and they DO cost $700, and Americans still buy them. The winner is Apple, which pockets the difference between cheap Chinese labor costs and Americans’ ability to pay $700 for an Iphone. I am happy with Apple products and own the stock, so I am not picking on Apple. Just saying that there is no reason why it can’t make Iphones in the USA, and put Americans to work instead of Chinese.

And then Bremmer addresses the question of immigration:
=====
…“We can see that Trump’s biggest enthusiasts within the party are Republicans who hold the most anti-immigration and anti-Muslim views, demonstrate the most racial resentment, and are most likely to view Social Security and Medicare as important.”
=====

But why do we need copious immigration if it is true that technology is destroying so many existing jobs? Why bring more people into the country to fill jobs that don’t exist?

My view is that our borders are intentionally left open to illegal immigration because: A) Big business wants them here to beat down wages, and B) Liberals want them in here to dilute the legacy, conservative-voting population and create more Liberal voters. And, let me say that I am a business owner who is married into an all-immigrant Hispanic family. My wife, a naturalized U.S. citizen voted for Mitt Romney in 2012 and Trump in 2016. I voted for Obama in 2012 and Trump in 2016. Dr. Bremmer describes the motivations of white folks like me, with industrial traditions in the Midwest, who switched from Obama to Trump.

Dr. Bremmer leaves many questions unanswered. His view is that unrestricted free trade with all countries is good, because….free trade with all countries is good; open borders to allow copious legal / illegal immigration into a country is good, because….copious immigration is good.” These are tautologies, of course, that are taken as matters of faith, and not necessarily of evidence.

He also covers the need to remediate the ill effects of globalization, but admits that “these benefits are easier to promise before deals are approved than to deliver after they’re signed and politicians no longer need to keep their word.”

My conception of Globalism is that it is an organization of big business / big government crony capitalists, supported by liberals in the media and academia, who seek to supplant national democracies with unelected supra-national bureaucracies unaccountable to the people of any nation.

“You don’t like our shipping your jobs overseas. Well, that’s too bad. The World Trade Organization says there’s nothing we can do about it.”

“You don’t like our opening our borders to hordes of illegal foreign immigration. Well, too bad, the World Court says we have to allow it.”

The objectives of big business crony capitalists are to replace the high-wage labor in the developed countries with cheap foreign workers. The objectives of Liberal politicians are to replace the legacy populations of each developed countries with Third World people who are prone to being manipulated to socialist agendas.

If that’s your view, you will enjoy this book. If your view aligns with Dr. Bremmer’s that globalism must be maintained with all its warts, you will enjoy his view. My opinion about globalization has not changed after reading the book, but I am in the process of considering Dr. Bremmer’s points. My thinking may be matured as I reflect on his views, or perhaps it will not be changed. But I WILL reflect on Dr. Bremmer’s views, as I reread portions of the book.
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Cathryn Conroy
4.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Read This Short Book. It Will Make Your Smarter Because It Will Help You Better Understand Our World
Reviewed in the United States on December 12, 2019
Be afraid. Be very afraid. That is exactly how I felt after reading this cogent book that explains why the "us vs. them" thinking that currently pervades virtually all nations on Earth will hurt us all politically and financially sooner or later. And even though... See more
Be afraid. Be very afraid. That is exactly how I felt after reading this cogent book that explains why the "us vs. them" thinking that currently pervades virtually all nations on Earth will hurt us all politically and financially sooner or later.

And even though it isn''t the primary point of the book, the lucid and forceful arguments laid out by author Ian Bremmer succinctly and understandably explain why Donald J. Trump won election as president of the United States in 2016 and why the underlying fear, trepidation, deep-seated anger, and despair that enshroud much of his base have lead them to view him as a kind of messianic savior who will bring back the prosperous life they once knew. What''s more, this attitude will only increase in fervor and spread among those who increasingly feel left behind, if not actually abandoned, by an economy that has essentially created two societies with a huge wide and gaping hole between them—the haves and the have nots. And the have nots have had it.

What''s more, this is not a USA-only phenomenon. It is worldwide, affecting both developed and developing countries. There are winners and there are losers, and the losers are most upset by the feeling that it''s all so unfair. Society itself is unequal. And the real inequality—the one that is most worth fighting for—is opportunity. That is, not everyone has the same opportunity to succeed.

An important point: This is not a book that takes sides. It is not a diatribe against Trump. Rather, it is an explanation told in a relatively unbiased way how and why globalism—no matter how good it sounds on paper—isn''t working in this era of unabashed nationalism.

Read this short book. It will make you smarter because it will help you better understand our world today.

A disappointment: Even though the book was published in April 2018, it is not formatted well for Kindle. That is surprising and disappointing to say the least.
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wsmrer
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
A calm mind in a troubled world
Reviewed in the United States on June 15, 2018
Ian Bremmer’s Us vs. Them: The Failure of Globalism will not please many for very different reasons but in the growing literature on the impact of 21st century developments, globalization and inequality, Bremmer leads in setting out the playing fields and their future for a... See more
Ian Bremmer’s Us vs. Them: The Failure of Globalism will not please many for very different reasons but in the growing literature on the impact of 21st century developments, globalization and inequality, Bremmer leads in setting out the playing fields and their future for a wide cross section of the world in revealing analysis, and where answers are beginning to be advanced.*

In the age of Trump he refreshingly has nothing to say about the man until a final chapter his point being the times have made Trump possible but the man is just one of many populists gaining political power, Bremmer being among the few who understand why. As he notes, ‘My mother would have voted for him, my brother did.’

Among those who have been aware of how fast former perceptions have fallen away since the turn of the century Bremmer will be enjoyed for his multinational studies, for those conditioned by the carping ignoramuses in the media ‘Us vs. Them’ will only be a puzzlement that may start to open new channels. The book could richly change what the media rattles on about if read and understood by the pundits searching for answers.
For those who follow the generated discontents in many lands and locations, Bremmer list out what is being offered as remedies without pushing any particular agenda. The future is a vast unknown but some are paying attention. If curious do read it, he knows his subject.

* China, India, Indonesia, Russia, Turkey, Brazil, Mexico, Venezuela, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and South Africa.
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Jed Davis
4.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Telling it like it is & likely to be
Reviewed in the United States on May 19, 2018
Bremmer is a perception observer and analyst. Ian Bremmer: "No one voted for Donald Trump because he believed the United States was growing more secure and more prosperous. In a country where working-age men without jobs outnumber those with jobs by... See more
Bremmer is a perception observer and analyst.

Ian Bremmer:

"No one voted for Donald Trump because he believed the United States was growing more secure and more prosperous. In a country where working-age men without jobs outnumber those with jobs by three to one and half of unemployed men take daily pain medication, a lot of people want “change.”1 It’s hard to imagine what sort of future Americans can expect if the fate of these people is ignored.

"It''s easy to find fault with populists like Trump. He’s obnoxious, dishonest, and incompetent. But Donald Trump didn’t create us vs. them. Us vs. them created Donald Trump, and those who dismiss his supporters are damaging the United States.

" There are good reasons to want smaller government. It’s natural to fear that Washington spends too much money. There are reasons to worry that political correctness will kill freedom of speech and the birth of good ideas. There are plenty of Americans who care sincerely about people with preexisting medical conditions, but who fear that creation of another entitlement program will one day bankrupt the country, leaving government without money to cover anyone.

"These people aren’t stupid or mean-spirited. They don’t hate poor people. Some of them are poor people. Many are Americans who fear that intellect too often overrides common sense, that their countrymen are more interested in what they can get than in who will pay, that too many politicians care more about universal ideals than about American workers and their families, and that the country they knew is fading away."

He presents a dark, but realistic picture of where we''re at and what''s coming. He tries to end on an up-note which comes down to saying: But we can hope.
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E. S. Wilson
1.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
It''s a Laundry List
Reviewed in the United States on January 5, 2021
I was disappointed. To begin with I didn''t find it particularly well-written. It''s certainly understandable, but elevating it is not. It read a bit like a laundry list, so lacking in narrative, historical perspective, and analysis, it just kind of jumps from one idea to... See more
I was disappointed. To begin with I didn''t find it particularly well-written. It''s certainly understandable, but elevating it is not. It read a bit like a laundry list, so lacking in narrative, historical perspective, and analysis, it just kind of jumps from one idea to the next to the next. I didn''t see much that looked new, and a great deal of the information is already well-known. The book seemed especially weak on trends in the U.S. as opposed to discussions of other countries. I found the sub-title misleading--"The Failure of Globalism." As far as a competent discussion of globalism or globalization in the book, it honestly is not there. For a more enjoyable and informative read on global trends, I think The Last President of Europe by Drozdiak is a much better bet.
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Assaad M.
4.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
A great read, but too negative for my taste
Reviewed in the United States on July 4, 2018
I’ve followed Ian Bremmer on twitter for many months before the release of his new book. His tweets are part statistics borrowed from newly published academic studies and part funny but enlightening comments on current events. Ian understands all points of view. He is a... See more
I’ve followed Ian Bremmer on twitter for many months before the release of his new book. His tweets are part statistics borrowed from newly published academic studies and part funny but enlightening comments on current events. Ian understands all points of view. He is a refreshing source of thought in the current contentious environment between the political right and left. I bought his book to get more of the same and understand his train of thought even deeper. I comment on the book and give a candid yet concise review of the thoughts and feelings engendered while reading it.

This book aims to put us all on the same page on the current rise of nationalism and how globalism is to blame especially in what is known as the West. It splits the source of this political change into economic and cultural with an emphasis on the effect of technology. While nationalism waxes and wanes throughout history, no one knows how serious the ability of technology to further polarize the political landscape is. The text is superfluous with reporting of academic studies and repetitive. Several points are repeated throughout the first chapter which makes it frustrating to follow. The first couple chapters are a somber look at the world: you can’t help but feel anxious while reading it. However, I really like how ‘them’ takes a different identity depending on who ‘us’ is. For Democrats in the USA, ‘them’ are the citizens on the Republican side of the spectrum. For working class men, ‘them’ are the immigrants who come to steal their job. The ability of Ian to wear different shoes provides a sense of impartiality and I’m sure most readers identified with what was written.

Developing countries are also under threat from Globalism and technological advances such as in Robotics. Ian is an American who doesn’t think America is at the center of the world. China and India’s economies are growing at incredible pace but both still have low income per capita. Turkey, under the rule of Erdogan, has used Globalism to its own economic advantage. However, Erdogan pits conservative citizens against those who believe in a secular Turkey for his own political gains. Donald Trump did the same in America. This book explores the negative effect of polarizing countries into ‘Us vs Them’.

A symptom of polarization is walls. Walls take different shapes and form. Some don’t take a form at all and exist only in Cyberspace. Compare Trump’s plans to build a physical wall along the Southern US border to China’s blocking of Facebook and Google within its territory. I’m a huge fan of Ian’s ability to create analogies and find common ground between political and economic strategies happening ocean lengths away.

In the end, and it finally came, is a chapter that offers hope that, even with all the darkness looming over our willingness to polarize, there are people willing to fix. These people can be in government or the private sector. In a world changing so fast, governments must adapt, revisit their social contract with their citizens, and change the tax code. The social responsibilities of private for-profit companies is a big as ever. There isn’t a shortage of efforts to reduce poverty, hunger, and remedy the feeling of being left behind and Mr. Bremmer makes a great list of these.

To conclude, this book is a great and easy read for anyone who wants to understand the political and economic climate of today. It doesn’t demonize any side and attempts to understand all positions and points of view. All in all, this is a refreshing but alarming resource for voting people, which should be all of us.
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Foster E. Kawaler
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Now We Know!
Reviewed in the United States on March 14, 2019
Well written, cogent explanation as to what happened in America during the 2016 election. Nice "sociological" break down of the public sentiment at the time, a good overview of populism, and an excellent elucidation on populism versus globalism. Not politically shaded by... See more
Well written, cogent explanation as to what happened in America during the 2016 election. Nice "sociological" break down of the public sentiment at the time, a good overview of populism, and an excellent elucidation on populism versus globalism. Not politically shaded by any means, this is a scientific and dispassionate analysis of how America was feeling at the time, with some theories about how the attitudes formed. Author made some predictions about what he felt might happen, and now, some three years later, they are beginning to come true.. Technical but understandable by lay folks. It will make you remark "Oh! So THAT''s why!"
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Andre Ricardo Chavez
3.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
A decent book but not revealing
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 22, 2018
Ian Bremmer''s latest work is an introduction to the current state of the global political economy. Its main themes are: the state of affairs both political and economic in developing and establish world powers today, the impact of the coming age of automation in those...See more
Ian Bremmer''s latest work is an introduction to the current state of the global political economy. Its main themes are: the state of affairs both political and economic in developing and establish world powers today, the impact of the coming age of automation in those countries, the social contract and how to should and can be adjusted to account for oncoming changes to workhorse worldwide, and finally, what governments should do to mitigate the potential problems that arise from the coming changes. The ''Us vs.Them'' theme runs throughout the book and sets the tone for explaining the oncoming problems in world politics and political institutions around the globe. Bremmer connects the many developing countries economies and their reliance on natural resources together well, while noting the fragility of those economies in such times of fast-pace changes. Overall, Bremmer captures the crises the world now faces well. As mentioned above, this book is only an introduction to the aforementioned themes; A good starting point for novice readers in economics and politics, but will not satisfy the seasoned reader. As such, given the short space Bremmer dedicates to such an enormous topic (only 169 pages), he is left able to only provide broad statistical information and summarisations of said themes. Bremmer''s earlier work, being far more focused (as in Superpower [2015]) on a particular theme, is able to delve into the subject far more effectively. This, in my opinion, is the biggest let down to the book. Overall, a decent read in need of further exploration.
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TANYA
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
The Failure of Globalism
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on January 17, 2020
Excellent! Insightful!
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pascal73
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Great book
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on July 3, 2018
Nice little book. Concise introduction to the subject of globalisation.
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Aly
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Loved it
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on August 16, 2018
Thank you for this deep and thoughtful analysis of the countries around the world.
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James Watson
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
A must read
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 19, 2018
Amazing book that everyone should read!
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